Yesterday, the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, delivered a Labour economic plan. People have been calling for Labour’s purpose and principles to be more distinctly expressed. Through the choices made – a transition to a more equitable tax system, focusing on wealth to pay for tackling child poverty, quality public services and the living expenses – we have clearly demonstrated what we stand for.
That’s why Labour MPs cheered in the Commons, and it’s why we are up for the battles to come. And it’s why the protests from the conservative side began immediately.
The central division in British politics is yet again on the economy. On the one hand Labour, who want to change it so it helps everyday working people, and on the other, our opponents, who support the status quo and the unsuccessful doctrine of the past. We must now take on, and prevail in, the debate.
The Tories had 14 years to resolve things and in reality, by any measure, they got much worse. Their doctrinaire austerity and supply-side economics – tax breaks for the wealthy, reducing investment (causing us with low productivity and wages), and failing to support young people post-Covid – proved ineffective.
Quality of life fell by the largest margin since records began, child poverty hit record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest on record, wages remained flat, a housing crisis took hold, young people scarred by Covid were abandoned. The history of failure continues.
A single budget alone can’t fix everything, so Labour has a long-term plan for rebuilding and for restructuring the country. And we have to go out and keep making the argument for why our approach will yield benefits.
Under the Tories, welfare spending significantly increased. As did child poverty, because they didn’t address the underlying issues: low pay, high housing costs, significant inequalities in education, health and regions. The state is forced to paying more to manage the symptoms instead of the cure.
It’s why we are constructing more social housing than for a generation, increasing wages and enhanced protections for workers, massively boosting investment in infrastructure and new industries, reducing waiting lists down and bringing down the costs of childcare and energy as we pursue clean power.
It’s also why we are completely justified to use this budget to remove the two-child benefit cap.
For eight long years, since it was enacted, low-income families with children have suffered from a unjust social experiment that was marketed as fair for working people when it was the opposite. Most of the families impacted by it have a parent in work.
It has only served to push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, ultimately, costs us more, as well as being heartless and unethical.
I know from my own constituency – where over 5,000 children will be lifted out of poverty as a result of ending the cap – the real impact it’s had. Children wearing £1 wellies as school shoes, children going to bed without food and cold, living in cramped, damp homes, parents this Christmas relying on food banks for a modest meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already overburdened but have to redirect time and resources to supporting children who are living with the results of deep poverty.
Just one in four pupils from the most disadvantaged families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with nearly three in four among affluent families. This predisposes them for the challenges they face during their lives: missed potential, economic struggles and ill health. Children who grew up in poverty are more likely to be jobless or poor as adults.
Addressing child poverty isn’t just a moral imperative, it is a future-oriented strategy. Poverty costs the economy significantly more than the £3bn cost of removing the two-child cap, or expanding free school meals.
That’s why we acted promptly in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees over a hundred additional children pushed into poverty. The benefits of lifting it won’t happen overnight either, so taking early action in the parliament was vital.
The cap was a symbol to 14 years of unsuccessful rightwing ideology. Now it is gone.
We, as Labour, can also be explicit that these initiatives are being paid for in a fair way – from a new gaming tax, closing tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Fairness and direction – that’s how we will succeed in the battle of ideas. This budget is a clear statement that we won the election as Labour, and will lead as Labour. As I consistently said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political megaphone and set the agenda more strongly about what’s really wrong with the country and how we are fixing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s maintain it and prevail in this fight about how we will renew Britain and tackle the deep inequalities holding us back.
Aria Vance is a savvy shopping expert and deal hunter, dedicated to uncovering the best VIP discounts and sharing money-saving tips with readers.